



{"id":8549,"date":"2017-09-09T02:02:04","date_gmt":"2017-09-09T02:02:04","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/media.am\/media-battle-v-corruption-devoured-mazut-case-part-2\/"},"modified":"2017-09-09T02:02:04","modified_gmt":"2017-09-09T02:02:04","slug":"media-battle-v-corruption-devoured-mazut-case-part-2","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/media.am\/en\/critique\/2017\/09\/09\/8549\/","title":{"rendered":"Media Battle v. Corruption: \u201cDevoured Mazut\u201d Case (Part 2)"},"content":{"rendered":"<p>Mediamart (Media Battle) is a digital game developed by the Media Initiatives Center [also responsible for this site] for journalism enthusiasts. Independent Armenia\u2019s media already has more than a quarter of a century of history, but media coverage of corruption (the fight against corruption) is more like a game in terms of effectiveness.<\/p>\n<blockquote>\n<p><strong>Case of the \u201cDevoured Mazut\u201d<\/strong><\/p>\n<\/blockquote>\n<p>In Soviet Armenia, people didn\u2019t attempt protest actions for social reasons: doing so was futile and dangerous. They would be dismissed from their jobs or be given a \u201cpolitical lining,\u201d as they used to say during the Stalin years, and be imprisoned.<\/p>\n<p>In this sense, not much changed also in the post-Soviet period. Since 1988, mass rallies would take place, but the demands weren\u2019t social, but political.<\/p>\n<p>One article (<em>Yerkir<\/em> daily, December 28, 1993) testifies that the situation was the same also during the \u201c<a href=\"https:\/\/en.wikipedia.org\/wiki\/Armenian_energy_crisis_of_1990s\">dark and cold years<\/a>.\u201d Everyone had been suffering already for two years from the 22-hour absence of electricity a day, but it wasn\u2019t locals but the \u201cforeign students who\u2019ve come to Armenia\u201d who publicly complained outside the Ministry of Foreign Affairs with the demand \u201cWe\u2019re dying, light.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>(The writer himself simultaneously complains that in accordance with US aid procedure, single mothers received assistance, but mothers with husbands did not. Probably his family belonged in the latter category. But the journalist doesn\u2019t even make approximate calculations whether the funds provided by the Americans would cover the cost of assisting complete families, which would probably be tantamount to Armenia\u2019s budget that year.)<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"http:\/\/media.am\/en\/media-vs-corruption-90s-case\">In the first part of this article<\/a>, I tried to describe how the case of the \u201cdevoured mazut\u201d was covered by the media, but there\u2019s an entire generation that wasn\u2019t even born then, and it\u2019s important to restore the complete picture, so that the youth can judge for themselves to what extent were the \u201cdark and cold years\u201d the result of the usurpation of energy suppliers.<\/p>\n<p>Armenia\u2019s economy was experiencing a \u201ctransition period\u201d: as a result of the termination of railway communication with Azerbaijan and Georgia and not having a market, state-run factories one after another stopped operating. Every year, the undeclared war with Azerbaijan was broadening, and more deadly and expensive weapons were being used.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>And what accusations did the radical opposition press make to the government of the day?<\/p>\n<p>\u201cWe Have Light \u2014 So What?\u201d asked <em>Yerkir<\/em>, the official newspaper of the Armenian Revolutionary Federation (ARF), in January 1993 (January 14, 1993). The journalist, who thinks that \u201cwe\u2019ve adjusted to the widespread chaos and organized neglect,\u201d is indignant that \u201cthere are so-called privileged neighborhoods\u2026 whose energy supply is almost uninterrupted.\u201d <em>Azg<\/em> daily chief editor Hakob Avetikyan was one of the \u201cprivileged.\u201d<\/p>\n<p class=\"rtecenter\" dir=\"ltr\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"315\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/P5LAuNFNTLk\" width=\"560\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p>The clarification provided by Avetikyan, the editor of a moderate opposition newspaper of those years, was confirmed by Yerevan\u2019s newly elected mayor Vahagn Khachatryan, who defeated the ruling party\u2019s candidate.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cOne of the questions: the separate local power supply of facilities insuring livelihoods \u2014 hospitals, bread factories, executive committees, police \u2014 should\u2019ve long been dealt with. For example, I\u2019m at my workplace from 9 am till 10 or 11 pm. Energy is needed for the work of city council, and the entire neighborhood gets electricity during that time\u201d (\u201cLEGACY: Interview with Yerevan City Council President Vahagn Khachatryan,\u201d <em>Yerkir<\/em>, January 13, 1993).&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>He also mentions other reasons. In the Yerevan districts of Mashtots and Arabkir \u201cis a 30\u201335-year-old electricity system. But there is also a subjective factor. Unfairness: no one can explain why we haven\u2019t had electricity for 5 days.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>According to him, the state of the electricity system makes \u201cthe scarce supply of [natural] gas\u201d difficult, which is due to Azerbaijan\u2019s subversive actions against our gas pipeline in Georgia.<\/p>\n<p>Another <em>Yerkir<\/em> news story signals: \u201cYerevan\u2019s electricty system will not exist in 10 days.\u201d Yerevan Electric Network Director Aghekyan gave an interview to the newspaper, whom the journalist calls \u201cnewfangled\u201d (it\u2019s unclear why he didn\u2019t use a neutral epithet, \u201cnewly appointed,\u201d for instance).<\/p>\n<p>He tries with simple comparisons to show the severity of the situation: \u201cIf a man can lift 50 kg, and 1000 kg has been placed on him, he will collapse.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>And he makes an accusation\u2026 against ARF, of which <em>Yerkir<\/em> is the official newspaper. \u201cThe Armenian Revolutionary Federation is inciting the people against the energy suppliers\u2026 Whoever can, help us. The people attack us, [they] see physical revenge.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>The picture of the time wouldn\u2019t be complete if we didn\u2019t recall that the lack of electricity affected other vital sectors.&nbsp;<\/p>\n<p>\u201cWith milk trucks and sometimes asking firefighters, with their vehicles we\u2019re able to get water to factories.\u2026 Most of our factories have two-way nourishment; we also have factories that are provided with three-way nourishment. But in today\u2019s hard conditions, some of the lines can\u2019t resist, residents \u201cjoin\u201d the factories\u2019 nourishment, and the cables get out of line.\u201d This is an excerpt from an interview with head of the Ministry of Food and Procurement\u2019s Bakery Department, Gagik Seyinyan (\u201cNot Possible to Work Without Electricity and Mazut: Tens of thousands of people have been left without food,\u201d <em>Yerkir<\/em>, January 27, 1993).<\/p>\n<p>The number of residents who \u201cconnected\u201d to the power lines of working factories, hospitals, and even trolleys was huge; added to these losses, as remote opposition press <em>Yerkir<\/em> recalls, were the outcomes of the pipeline explosions.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cThe pipeline was blown up with such amazing consistency, that deputy prime minister, later prime minister Hrant Bagratyan one day warned that the explosions will end when either the gunpowder in Azerbaijan or the pipes in Armenia are exhausted.\u201d<\/p>\n<p>Defense minister in 1996 Vazgen Sargsyan considers the \u201ccold and dark\u201d years the price that Armenia\u2019s residents had to pay for Artsakh\u2019s liberation and capture of the neighboring eight regions.<\/p>\n<p>\u201cIf\u2026 in 1998, anyone\u2026 appeared on the podium at Opera [Freedom Square] and said only seven years will pass and you will have an independent state\u2026 you will have a national army, you will have an Artsakh connected to Armenia, eight more districts in addition to Artsakh, and if they had asked, people, to have all this, are you ready not to have sausage for another 5\u20136 years, all of you collectively would say, yes, and you\u2019d say so wholeheartedly, I\u2019m convinced.\u201d<\/p>\n<p class=\"rtecenter\" dir=\"ltr\"><iframe loading=\"lazy\" frameborder=\"0\" height=\"315\" src=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/embed\/5kHVXa0-bXA\" width=\"560\"><\/iframe><\/p>\n<p>Vazgen Sargsyan\u2019s words are certainly emotional, but there\u2019s also a film titled <a href=\"https:\/\/www.youtube.com\/watch?v=s92YE9iEJqg\"><em>Story of a Privatization<\/em><\/a> (filmmaker: Tigran Paskevichyan, director: Ara Shirinyan), which depicts the situation comprehensively: salaries in the early 90s barely covered the electricity bill; those who were insolvent paid their bills more faithfully than those who were well-off (according to 1991 data, \u201cOne-quarter of Yerevan residents\u2026 haven\u2019t paid for electricity,\u201d <em>Yerkir<\/em>, April 20, 2000); the illegal transactions between the \u201celectricity man\u201d and residents, which became restricted due to meters being relocated to outside apartments; even the unseasonable snow of November 4; and resuming the operations of the nuclear power plant, which made meaningless Azerbaijan\u2019s efforts to topple Armenia with pipeline explosions.<\/p>\n<p>All this leads to the conclusion that Armenia experienced \u201cdark and cold years\u201d because of many negative factors, only one of which is the never substantiated by serious judicial evidence case of the \u201cdevoured mazut.\u201d<\/p>\n<p><a href=\"http:\/\/media.am\/en\/lratun-corruption-1\">The start of the article series here.<\/a><\/p>\n<p class=\"rteright\"><strong>Vahram Martirosyan<br \/>\nHead of the Media Initiatives Center\u2019s Lratun media museum project<\/strong><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>Mediamart (Media Battle) is a digital game developed by the Media Initiatives Center [also responsible for this site] for journalism enthusiasts. Independent Armenia\u2019s media already has more than a quarter of a century of history, but media coverage of corruption (the fight against corruption) is more like a game in terms of effectiveness. Case of<a class=\"moretag\" href=\"https:\/\/media.am\/en\/critique\/2017\/09\/09\/8549\/\"> Read the full article&#8230;<\/a><\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":3,"featured_media":8536,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_acf_changed":false,"ngg_post_thumbnail":0,"footnotes":""},"categories":[16],"tags":[],"class_list":["post-8549","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-critique","author_posts-vahram-martirosyan"],"acf":[],"_links":{"self":[{"href":"https:\/\/media.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8549","targetHints":{"allow":["GET"]}}],"collection":[{"href":"https:\/\/media.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts"}],"about":[{"href":"https:\/\/media.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/types\/post"}],"author":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/media.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/users\/3"}],"replies":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/media.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/comments?post=8549"}],"version-history":[{"count":0,"href":"https:\/\/media.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/posts\/8549\/revisions"}],"wp:featuredmedia":[{"embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/media.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media\/8536"}],"wp:attachment":[{"href":"https:\/\/media.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/media?parent=8549"}],"wp:term":[{"taxonomy":"category","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/media.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/categories?post=8549"},{"taxonomy":"post_tag","embeddable":true,"href":"https:\/\/media.am\/en\/wp-json\/wp\/v2\/tags?post=8549"}],"curies":[{"name":"wp","href":"https:\/\/api.w.org\/{rel}","templated":true}]}}